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Marx reiterates that the purpose of work under the capitalist mode of production is just to produce surplus value. This holds true whether or not the job is at a “sausage factory” or a “teaching factory” (644). Marx proposes that capitalists first try to increase surplus value through “formal subsumption of labor” (645), which is through increasing the length of the workday. The capitalist mode of production enables “real subsumption of labour” through the use of machines and large-scale, organized labor (646).
Turning to history, Marx notes that the more fertile the environment was, the less labor power was required from the culture that developed there, and the more surplus labor could be extracted. Marx gives the example of ancient Egypt, where agriculture was relatively easy due to the climate and the Nile’s soil deposits, so there was surplus labor available for the construction of great monuments (648).
As industrial technology develops, however, the circumstances of the environment matter less. Marx argues that there is nothing natural about the need for capitalists to extract relative surplus value using industrial organization and technology. This claim is in contrast to the views of the economist David Ricardo and others, who believes “the capitalist mode of production […] is the natural form of social production” (651).
Marx determines that the magnitude of production is determined by the length of the working day and the intensity and productivity of labor. No matter how much productivity is generated in one work shift, the working day produces the same amount of value. Drawing from the economist David Ricardo, Marx lays out several laws governing surplus from worker productivity. An increase in productivity causes the value of labor power to decrease, and vice versa. Any change in labor power always proportionately affects the amount of surplus value. According to Marx, “the value of the labour-power cannot fall, and consequently surplus-value cannot rise, without a rise in the productivity of labour” (657).
At the same time, if there is a productivity increase, then both the capitalist and workers can enjoy more means of subsistence without changing the surplus or the price of labor power. However, Marx criticizes Ricardo for only considering productivity as a variable, not the length of the working day or the intensity of the work. As a result, Marx argues Ricardo is mistaken in considering the rate of profit and surplus value to be the same thing.
When the intensity of labor is increased, more commodities are made. However, there is no change in the value of each commodity. Marx adds, though, that if intensity of labor is increased, workers become more easily exhausted. This has the effect of increasing the price of labor power.
If the length of the working day changes, it affects the surplus value. A longer working day increases surplus value; a shorter one decreases it. However, longer shifts also increase the cost of labor power since it exhausts workers. This may be “compensated for […] in the form of higher wages” (664), but only to a point.
Next, Marx examines what happens if a working day is lengthened and productivity is reduced. He gives the example of economic inflation that hit England between 1799 and 1815, in which a rise in prices led to an apparent rise in wages. However, in terms of what people could actually afford, “there was a fall in real wages” (665). Marx argues against the views of other economists like David Ricardo and Edward West that, even during this period of inflation and declining production, surplus value went down. Instead, he suggests surplus value actually increased because capitalists raised the intensity of labor and increased working hours.
From this, Marx concludes that with increased productivity, it is possible to shorten the working day: “The more the productivity of labour increases, the more the working day can be shortened, and the more the working day is shortened, the more the intensity of labour can increase” (667). However, capitalism prevents this because of the “anarchic system of competition” and wasting labor power on pointless functions (667). The rise of industrial machinery should mean that people are more able to engage in “free intellectual and social activity” and that labor is more evenly distributed (667). Instead, the benefits of increased free time are only going to one class: the capitalist class.
In order to express these arguments, Marx devises several mathematical formulas. Specifically, he argues that surplus labor divided by necessary labor equals surplus value divided by variable capital. Marx criticizes traditional economists for how they calculate political capital. In Marx’s view, “they conceal the specific character of the capital-relation, namely the fact that variable capital is exchanged for living labour-power, and that the worker is accordingly excluded from the product” (670). He concludes that capital is “not only the command over labour,” but “essentially the command over unpaid labour” (672). By this, he means that surplus value is just the exploitation of unpaid labor.
Marx elaborates on his discussion of The Labor Theory of Value. Specifically, he analyzes how value might be derived from labor power. He comes to the key conclusion that this is done through exploitation of workers, and not simply workers in industrial manufacturing, but across different industries, including education.
As an example, there is an accountant who works for a law firm. Originally, the accountant was allowed to leave the office once they finished all their tasks involving billing clients and managing all financial paperwork for the day. However, the employer decides to make the accountant stay a full eight-hour shift in the office every workday and take on other office administrative tasks, such as answering phones or managing the buying and distribution of office supplies as well. Under the original arrangement, the accountant was fulfilling their obligations to the employer. However, by making the accountant be productive in other ways and by lengthening their time at work, regardless of how much time it would take to fulfill their original obligations to the employer, Marx would say the employer is extracting more surplus value from their labor power.
This leads into Marx’s other important concept here: unpaid labor. By this, Marx does not strictly mean labor that the employer does not pay a wage for. Instead, Marx argues that, generally, employers only pay wages that reflect the value of a worker’s labor power, even if you consider broad economic factors that occasionally drive up or drive down workers’ pay. Wages do not take into account the actual productivity that comes from a worker that goes beyond just the worth of their labor power as an individual.
A worker at a coffee shop is paid according to how much the employer thinks they can pay someone for that particular job and for how valuable the worker’s skills that are relevant to the job are, as well as according to any local and national laws. They may receive tips from customers, but their pay is not based at all on how much coffee and how many muffins and biscotti they make and sell in a day. If you subtract the value of their wages from how much profit their labor makes for the employer, that is how you get what Marx would call unpaid labor. Further, it is from this unpaid labor that capitalists derive surplus value. As Marx phrases it, surplus value is “the materialization of unpaid labor time” (672).
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By Karl Marx