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Koonja was shocked when five-year-old Cho announced that she wanted to be a chef when she grew up. Koonja was disappointed because she was deprived of schooling beyond junior high and wanted Cho to be the scholar she wasn’t allowed to be. The culinary profession reminded Koonja of her own obligations, both to her family and to the racist community she tried to win over with food. As Koonja continually encouraged Cho’s academic prowess, Cho devoted her life to fulfilling her mother’s dream. Cho became a model student, going to college and getting her PhD. However, cooking remained important in Cho’s life, as she gained a certificate in pastry arts and set up her own baking business to support herself until earning a tenure track position at the City University of New York at the age 37.
On March 9, 2008, Cho’s brother called to announce their mother’s death. Cho realized that her mother was the most important person in her life and that so much of their time together had been spent nursing Koonja’s illnesses. Cho resorted to coping mechanisms such as asking exes to spend the night and getting massages from Asian women to recreate a tactile experience similar to one of her mother’s backrubs. When Cho visited her mother’s body prior to cremation, she brought the saengseon jeon fish that her mother requested from her the previous week.
Cho remembers a Food, Self, and Society class in which her students discussed Japanese mothers’ lengthy preparations of their children’s obento boxes. The boxes are state-regulated owing to the belief that a “child’s early relationship to food helps determine her future, and it’s the mother who makes this happen” (79): There is a perceived relationship between food preparation and academic performance. Cho considers that her mother “reclaimed the power of the proverbial obento and subjected it to her own will” by using food as a technique for ensuring her children’s academic prowess (80). Many of Cho’s memories of her mother getting her ready for school involved Cho’s favorite foods.
Cho recalls the elaborate cocktail parties her mother hosted for the staff of the town’s schools. Koonja made her own elegant cocktail dress and many fancy hors d’oeuvres, even introducing her guests to Korean food. By ingratiating herself with her children’s educators, Koonja reversed her societal role from guest to host. The annual party ensured that the teachers would never forget Cho or her brother.
For Koonja, kimchi, a Korean fermented cabbage dish, had strong associations with survival. When she was a nine-year-old refugee from war, Koonja returned home alone after losing track of her family. She stayed alive for three seasons by eating only rice and the kimchi that her grandmother had buried in earthenware jars. Following her mother’s death, Cho went to the Korean store and bought kimchi as a way of holding on to Koonja’s lifeline.
While Koonja was attracted to the American way of life and the propaganda of abundance, she did not imagine that she would end up missing the food she associated with survival. As a Korean wife to an American, she learned to perfect American dishes but missed the ingredients necessary to cook Korean food, namely the right type of cabbage for kimchi. She would stock up on ingredients when she took her two children to Busan, and tried to get by with the produce at the Asian supermarket in Seattle.
While Cho’s father approved of Koonja’s endeavor to cook Korean food, in other mixed households, Korean wives had to give up their food heritage in favor of their husbands’, and “both body and spirit withered away” (94). Some women tried to approximate Korean flavors by improvising with American ingredients such as pickles and pepper flakes. Some women would eat Korean food in secret and host secret eating parties with other Korean wives.
Cho considers that while women like her mother faced scorn in Korea for marrying foreigners, they played an important role by enabling other immigrants to transition to life in 1980s America. Koonja “became the very guide she wished she’d had” for other Korean immigrants (95). Koonja made kimchi for recently adopted Korean kids after the trauma of tasting their adoptive mother’s sauerkraut, which resembled kimchi, but tastes very different. Koonja’s tenderness toward these children made an impression on Cho, who wondered if she empathized with them as another quasi-orphan. After her research, Cho also wonders whether her mother had another child apart from her and her brother that Koonja may have been forced to give up for adoption. Perhaps Koonja fed these orphans because she could not feed the hungry child she had given up.
Cho was the last person her mother made kimchi for, on the eve of her going to college on the other side of the country. Koonja was worried that despite the abundance of food in the cafeteria, American colleges would not know how to feed her Korean daughter. Koonja connected offering her daughter kimchi with enabling Cho to survive this next stage in her life. Later, when Cho got her own apartment, her mother agreed to give her the recipe for kimchi.
Cho realizes after her mother’s death that her first food memory is of her mother making and feeding her kimchi and telling her that they are both survivors who can endure anything.
In 1970s America, the dominant food trend was moving away from nature to processed food. This contrasted with Koonja’s experience in Korea, where wild areas such as forests provided nourishment when farmlands were destroyed in conflict. Koonja’s foraging exploits in America included the beaches of the Pacific Northwest, such as the Puget Sound where she searched for seaweed and fish. However, when she got in trouble with the authorities, she swapped the beach for the Chehalis forest. She foraged in the early morning, after her night shift at Green Hill juvenile detention center where she worked between 11 p.m. and 7 a.m. Koonja had to work, as her husband, away at sea for long stretches of time, did not give her sufficient allowance.
Foraging enabled Koonja to gather ingredients that were not readily available at the supermarket, such as gosari, an ingredient in bibimbap. Her expeditions became lucrative when she began to forage blackberries, which were popular with Americans. She developed a blackberry obsession, filling her kitchen with them and selling them for $13 a gallon. New customers entered the house every day and she became “known as ‘the Blackberry Lady’ instead of ‘the Chinese Lady’”(112). She was so determined that she braved bears and armed, hostile white men on her expeditions, buying herself a .38 special to let them know she meant business.
While Koonja grew in vigor, her husband aged. Both he and Cho begged to accompany Koonja out foraging, but neither was as strong as she was. Cho learns that following one of these expeditions, her father’s heart stopped. Cho’s mother was angry at his brush with death and upset she missed a good day of foraging.
Cho’s mother exhibited a similar pattern in her obsession with foraging mushrooms, which required the additional skill of being able to recognize the poisonous ones from the edible. Koonja mastered this with an elaborate guide and sold her mushrooms to the distributor Madame Mushroom, who supplied specialty stores in the Pacific Northwest. Cho observes how her mother did this for six to seven years, even as she kept her job at the detention center. It was as though “she didn’t want to see the people around her ever be hungry again” (118). Cho acknowledges that her mother’s level of productivity was unusual, especially given the scant amount of sleep she got.
During the reclusive phase brought on by her mental illness, Koonja lost her interest in foraging. However, she was still able to identify edible plants that could be used in Korean foods from train windows. Once, seeing the price of chanterelle mushrooms at Whole Foods supermarket, Koonja lamented that she could have made so much money.
These chapters depict Koonja’s struggle to diminish the importance of food preparation in Cho’s life, even as food becomes an essential part of Cho’s identity and her discovery of the world. Koonja, embarrassed about only being educated to junior-high level, rejects her daughter’s early ambition to become a chef because pleasing others through food is a marker of her own identity and she wants her daughter to be as different from herself as possible. Throughout the book, Cho’s instinct to bond with her mother through cooking and accompany her on foraging trips is in conflict with Koonja’s wish to promote Cho’s academic success and live vicariously through it.
During the course of her doctoral research, Cho initially tries to obey her mother as she focuses on archival documents rather than food; however, she found that the story of her mother and the Korean diaspora is inseparable from the subject of food, both as a means of survival and belonging. While both Koonja and society at large tend to dismiss cooking as menial feminized labor, Cho’s extensive elaboration on the demands of blackberry foraging and mushroom hunting tell a radically different story. Blackberry collection in the forest requires physical strength and bravery, while mushroom hunting is fraught with the responsibility to distinguish edible varieties from the poisonous ones. Cho’s mother’s innovation and success in this, in addition to her ability to make a living from it, are a form of intelligence that aligns with Cho’s later research into the association between a Japanese mother’s preparation of the obento box and her child’s academic performance. Cho’s mother performs a similar feat when she organizes the food-laden cocktail party for the staff of her children’s schools, thus ensuring that her children are unforgettable. Cho considers that “though my mother had made it clear that cooking was not an acceptable profession for me, she unwittingly showed me how powerful it was” (87).
Although Koonja does not want Cho to be distracted from academia by cooking and by extension, placating others in order to survive, she understands how important food is as a lifeline to cultural heritage. This is evident in her making of kimchi for Korean adoptees, as she remembers how she lived off a store of the food in her family’s absence and thus traces a link between the food and survival.
Again, Cho tracks her own developing relationship with food alongside her mother’s. By investigating what food and food preparation meant to Koonja before her symptoms developed, Cho aims to better understand why Korean food traditions helped Koonja after her diagnosis. This exposition of family history prepares the reader for Cho’s discussion of Koonja’s diagnosis in Part 3.
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