52 pages • 1 hour read
A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Commercial interest in the diesel engine was intense. Scottish engineering firm Mirrlees, Watson, & Yaryan Co had an early interest in the diesel engine and was the first non-German firm to make a licensing agreement. The company's co-founder, Sir Renny Watson, invited Diesel to London to demonstrate his engine and grant Mirrlees, Watson, & Yaryan Co exclusive manufacturing rights in the UK. Diesel found the negotiation process exhausting and eventually agreed to have Lord Kelvin (the world's foremost expert in thermodynamics who developed the Kelvin temperature scale) review the patent and evaluate the design. Lord Kelvin quickly recognized how invaluable the cold start of the diesel engine would be to military applications. In March 1897, Diesel signed the licensing agreement; he would be paid 100,000 marks, and a 25% royalty on all sales. This agreement marked the beginning of the global proliferation of the diesel engine.
Adolphus Busch, the German-American beer magnate of Anheuser-Busch fame, was a proponent of technological innovation. On a trip back to his native Germany, Busch heard about Diesel's new engine and was intrigued. He sent Colonel E. D. Meier, a fellow German immigrant and veteran, to view a test of the engine. Meier was impressed, so Busch invited Diesel to a resort town in Germany and happily paid Diesel one million marks to have the exclusive rights to manufacture and market diesel engines in North America.
Another investor was the Swedish Nobel family, the eventual creators of the Nobel Prize and the owners of Branobel, one of the three major oil producers in the world. The Nobel family's wealth came from a munitions factory and oil production in Russia, and inventions such as undersea mines used in the Crimean War and dynamite. In 1888, Emmanuel Nobel, the grandson of the company’s founder, was running Branobel. His shrewd business and technical knowledge led him to make a deal with Diesel, creating the Russian Diesel Motor Company. By 1899, 50 diesel engines in Russia were powering massive oil pipelines.
The reach of Diesel's technology grew rapidly; he licensed his invention in over 20 agreements within a little over a year. Diesel engines now commanded hefty licensing fees, out of reach of the rural farmers and artisans Diesel imagined would benefit from them. However, Diesel still had work to do to make the engine viable for mass production. Each licensing agreement required Diesel's partner to share engine improvements and new patents, creating an internationally accessible body of knowledge. But, as political tensions in the global community grew, nationalist pressures stamped down on the practice.
In 1898, Diesel and his engineers were fighting an uphill battle to get the engine ready in time for the Munich Power and Works Machine Exhibition. Diesel was the star of the Munich Exhibition, where his partners constructed a massive display booth known as the Pavilion Diesel. Various licensed diesel manufacturers presented their engines, but hasty production resulted in many problems, such as burning out and failing to run entirely. Rudolf spent the exhibition fixing issues as they appeared, but the stress resulted in migraines. It was clear that the diesel engine was not ready for commercial production.
The exhausted Diesel trained a select group of engineers as “First-aiders,” sending them off to various regions of the globe to work with manufacturers. On September 17, 1898, Diesel founded the General Society of Diesel Engines in Augsburg—an information hub connecting Diesel’s international business partners.
In 1900, Diesel’s engine was featured at the World’s Fair in Paris. With over 40 million attendees, it was paramount that Diesel’s engine work, and it did, surpassing any expectations. The engine ran on peanut oil, a fuel with minimal exhaust, compared to coal, gas, or crude oil. Petroleum trusts recognized the technology’s threat to their industry as the number of in-use diesel engines tripled within two years.
In 1898, Diesel built his family an elaborate and richly decorated home over the Isar River. Diesel designed the home to include a workshop and a study, where many of his schematics were tacked onto the walls. The Diesels had made it into German high society, holding balls and parties, and hosting visitors from around the world.
However, Diesel still felt an obligation to uplift the lower classes. At his factory, he implemented an honor system, but giving his employees more autonomy proved ineffective. Diesel stepped down as manager, replacing himself with a more traditionally strict and hands-on one.
Diesel’s leftist views were tempered by his acceptance of military buildup as a safeguard against war. In 1903, he published Solidarismus, a nationalism-inflected treatise stressing the importance of individual well-being within strong community bonds. The essay garnered lukewarm reviews.
In 1904, Rudolf Diesel traveled to the US, keeping detailed records of the ship's coordinates, coal consumption, and speed. His writing reflected his artistic sensibility and scientific rationality. He admired American impulse toward utility, but found it unbalanced in areas such as culture and leisure, believing that its focus on saving time and money undervalued the importance of the arts and sciences.
Diesel noted that US manufacturing centers tended to have inadequate urban planning, as well as no provisions for inclement weather. The haphazard infrastructure was indicative of a quick-fix mindset that explained why the US hadn’t adopted the diesel engine—reconfiguring factories to adopt its use required time, expense, and superior materials. However, Diesel believed that there was unique potential in the US economy, with relatively high wages for the working class and the absence of trade unions.
Brunt argues that Diesel's observations highlight the importance of function over form, as well as the challenges of food, health, and the environment in US life.
At the end of the 19th century, Standard Oil had to overhaul its products and its view of the market. Rockefeller refocused his business, moving from lighting to producing fuel for the internal combustion engine and the increasingly popular automobile. To maintain his monopoly, Rockefeller often hired the Pinkerton National Detective Agency to infiltrate and manipulate labor unions—the agency was infamous for going to extreme lengths to break unions, including inciting violence and, allegedly, murder.
Pinkerton also committed corporate espionage on Standard Oil’s behalf. Rockefeller used information gathered by Pinkerton agents to destroy competitors. One such was electricity: The popularity of Thomas Edison’s incandescent light bulb shifted the market, effectively ending the use of gas lamps. Rockefeller then learned about an attempt to create an electric battery for cars developed by Thomas Edison and Henry Ford. Before the battery could become practical, a mysterious fire burned down Edison’s laboratory, causing massive property damage and effectively forcing the project to be abandoned. With one threat dealt with, Rockefeller still had to handle the impact of the Diesel engine on the fuel economy and likely had the Pinkerton Agency investigating Diesel himself.
The Kaiser recognized the potential of the diesel engine for Germany's navy. Navy head Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz supported this vision and utilized risk theory to analyze the possibility of provoking the UK. As a result, he developed the Fleet Laws, a set of five acts passed between 1899 and 1912 to commit Germany to building a navy equal to that of Britain slowly enough not to instigate conflict. In response to rumors of German naval development, Britain increased its military spending to maintain dominance.
Eventually, Wilhelm II’s naval expenditures led to an even more diplomatically complex set of agreements between countries. Britain joined an alliance with Russia and France. Wilhelm maintained a facade of friendly relations with Britain, but signed a treaty with France in 1904 and also renewed the Triple Alliance with Austria and Italy. The UK, meanwhile, developed an agreement with Japan.
Future British Prime Minister Winston Churchill believed that a strong military was essential to maintaining peace, though he had concerns about the social impact of a more militarized Britain. Nevertheless, recognizing the potential military applications of diesel power helped him rise in the UK Parliament.
The Swedish Nobel family embraced diesel technology for its commercial ventures in Russia. By efficiently transporting oil from their fields, they were able to connect with foreign markets quicker than before. The Nobel brothers also developed the first reversible diesel engine, which the Russian Navy embraced, transitioning all their military to Russian-built diesel engines.
Diesel's friend Frederic Dyckhoff developed small boats with diesel engines that easily navigated channels in France and Belgium. However, his work was prohibited in France in 1903, causing suspicion among other diesel licensees.
As submarine technology progressed, navies around the world sought Diesel's expertise. Admiral John Fisher of the British Royal Navy advocated for diesel engines in submarines, believing they would revolutionize naval combat. Germany also prioritized diesel engines for their submarines. Since engineers trained by Diesel himself had an advantage, the Kaiser decreed in 1911 that these experts could only work for Germany.
In early 1907, Diesel's main patent expired, allowing other companies to pursue and manufacture his designs. He could now work separately from Maschinenfabrik Augsburg Nürnberg AG (now renamed MAN after several mergers and acquisitions), forming many closer business relationships outside Germany. He grew close with Sir Charles Parsons, the inventor of the steam turbine engine, which was used on the British Royal Navy’s dreadnoughts. As the relationship between Diesel, MAN, and the General Society for Diesel Engine crumbled, Diesel continued working on new engine versions, finding as many applications as possible. When Diesel announced he was preparing a new patent for the fuel injection process, MAN sued Diesel, claiming he had to share all his technological advances with the General Society of Diesel Engines—the organization he had set up to share knowledge worldwide. However, the courts eventually rejected MAN's claim, and the General Society was officially dissolved.
Diesel developed a lighter-weight version of his engine for cars, meant to disrupt the growing gas and electric car market. Diesel’s smaller engine won the Grand Prix car race at the Brussels International Exposition in 1910.
Despite the dissolution of the General Society, Diesel wanted to avoid the nationalist limitations on shared progress. He collaborated with non-German companies, such as the English firm Vickers, which was struggling to adopt the diesel engine for the Royal Navy’s submarines. Churchill knew that only Rudolf Diesel could provide desperately needed expertise to advance the new fleet.
Brunt argues that Diesel’s industrial success can best be explained through the Influence of Wealth on Industrialization. The book explores how Diesel navigated the dichotomy between the demands of capitalism while attempting to maintain his more idealistic values.
Brunt highlights the importance of industrialist investors to Diesel’s rise. After the diesel engine completed its first public test and his theory was proven possible, many industrialists approached Diesel, all banking on profiting from the technology. Diesel was then under pressure to ready the prototype for production to secure the funding he needed to continue his work: "Diesel had demonstrated his theory to the public to the benefit of his fame, but the hard truth was that the engine was not yet ready for the commercial market" (126). By positioning the “commercial market” as the end goal of Diesel’s efforts, Brunt stresses that the forces of capitalism controlled what technology could progress from its nascent stage to global adoption.
Making licensing deals with investors also meant forgoing Diesel’s dream that his engine could be accessible to the working and artisan classes, and his hopes that users of his engine would share their knowledge and new discoveries. After his mentor Linde connected Diesel with industrialists Buz and Krupp, who offered him the space, time, funding, and Munich family home for his family, the support of MAN enabled Diesel to progress with his invention. However, big business interests also co-opted Diesel's technology, moving the diesel engine away from its intended use by making the cost of its licensing prohibitively expensive for all but the biggest companies or nations seeking to enhance domestic Militarism and Industrial Innovation. Similarly, although Diesel founded the General Society of Diesel Engines as a worldwide resource for engineers working on his invention, the market value of keeping intellectual property secrets prevented the kind of open access to information he’d been hoping to promote. Despite what Diesel had wanted, his invention became part of the problem he was trying to solve when he became answerable primarily to his investors, an “austere young scientist tethered to the laboratory, toiling away under the looming threat of bankruptcy and with the constant task of assuaging his deep-pocketed business partners" (133).
Brunt also points out the moral and ethical pitfalls of material success. Diesel was not immune to the trappings of wealth, as his family rose in social standing due to their newfound wealth. But most damning is Brunt’s description of the deceptive and manipulative practices of John D. Rockefeller. To maintain Standard Oil’s monopoly on the energy sector in the US, Rockefeller figuratively and literally destroyed his competition, undermining such potential competitors as electricity through various underhanded tactics. Brunt posits that Rockefeller used the Pinkerton Agency to burn down Thomas Edison and Henry Ford's workshop where they were developing an electric car battery: An innovation that "aimed to capture a market that was presently served by Rockefeller's petroleum [and] might have posed a crippling threat to the gasoline automobile" (158). Although no evidence connects Rockefeller to the fire, Brunt insinuates that Rockefeller was involved, once again playing into the conspiratorial mode with which the book opens. Rockefeller's behavior illustrates the corrosive effects of greed: The wealthy industrialist was willing to derail industrial progress, commit arson, and even indirectly be responsible for murder to stay on top.
Plus, gain access to 8,800+ more expert-written Study Guides.
Including features:
Challenging Authority
View Collection
European History
View Collection
Globalization
View Collection
Inspiring Biographies
View Collection
Memorial Day Reads
View Collection
Military Reads
View Collection
Mortality & Death
View Collection
Nation & Nationalism
View Collection
New York Times Best Sellers
View Collection
Power
View Collection
Science & Nature
View Collection
Teams & Gangs
View Collection
The Past
View Collection
True Crime & Legal
View Collection
War
View Collection