Yanomamo: The Fierce People

“There are a few problems, however, that seem to be nearly universal among anthropological fieldworkers, particularly those having to do with eating, bathing, sleeping, lack of privacy and loneliness, or discovering that primitive man is not always as noble as you originally thought.”

Here, Chagnon touches on the controversial idea of the “noble savage,” which depicts Indigenous peoples as being inherently virtuous and uncorrupted by civilization. The challenges that he lists serve as a reminder that Indigenous cultures are not idealized paradigms but are instead made up of real, complex human individuals. This quote warns against romanticization of Indigenous cultures, emphasizing that the reality is always far more complicated.

“I had visions of entering the village and seeing 125 social facts running about calling each other kinship terms and sharing food, each waiting and anxious to have me collect his genealogy. […] I wanted them to be so fond of me that they would adopt me into their kinship system and way of life, because I heard successful anthropologists always get adopted by their people.”

This quote reveals Chagnon’s initially romanticized expectations of how his relationship with the Yanomami would progress. His note regarding anthropologists being adopted by “their people” implies his inherent sense of superiority over the Yanomami. It also hints at his perception that such adoption is a key marker of success. However, Chagnon’s purpose in this passage is to highlight his own naiveté upon the beginning of this fieldwork, for he acknowledges that this romanticized idea of the situation does not reflect the reality that awaited him.

“By Yanomamö standards, she and Kaobawä have a very tranquil household. He only beats her once in a while, and never very hard. She never has affairs with other men.”

The deliberately casual tone of this quote provides insight into the cultural norms of the Yanomami regarding marital relationships and the treatment of women. The use of the words “only” and “once in a while” implies that occasional physical punishment is considered within the bounds of acceptability for their culture, and is in fact, viewed as the ideal.

“I was unable to get the names of the dead and extend the genealogies back in time, and even my best informants continued to deceive me about their own close relatives. Most of them gave me the name of a living man as the father of some individual in order to avoid mentioning that the actual father was dead.”

This quote highlights the difficulties that Chagnon faced in gathering the data for his research. His relationship with the Yanomami was often strained and sometimes antagonistic due to his frequent violation of societal norms. This included asking for the names of the dead, which is taboo within their culture.

“The most distinctive feature of Yanomamö technology is that it is very direct. No tool or technique is complicated enough to require specialized labor or raw materials. Each village, therefore, can produce every item of material culture it requires from the jungle resources immediately around it.”

This quote underscores the self-sufficiency valued by the Yanomami. Their approach to technology prioritizes efficiency and ease of production, ensuring that each village can remain independent and not rely on others for labor or raw materials.

“The Yanomamö permanent house—shabono—is probably the most sophisticated manufacture produced by these people. Its construction requires considerable cooperation, planning, labor, and patience. Unfortunately, the shabono only lasts one or two years because the leaves begin to leak, or the entire village is burned to the ground in order to destroy the […] vermin that infest the house.”

This quote highlights the need for communal collaboration within Yanomami villages and the ability to remain mobile when necessary. These structures, while a significant undertaking, are intentionally temporary as they often need to move the physical location of their villages due to conflict.

“The grubs are wrapped in small packages and placed in the hot coals to roast. […] I could never bring myself to eat one, but an experienced missionary told me they tasted very much like bacon. But then I suppose that anything cooked in a smoky fire tastes like bacon.”

This passage highlights the informal and conversational tone that Chagnon uses in his writing. It is one of many asides that he places throughout the text regarding Yanomami culture. The quote also illustrates his reluctance to take part in their practices, especially concerning food that differs greatly from the diet to which he is culturally accustomed.

“The fact that the Yanomamö rely heavily on cultivated food has led to specific obligations between members of allied villages: a good ally is one who will take you in when you are driven from your gardens by enemy raids.”

Chagnon describes a fundamental aspect of Yanomami social dynamics and highlights the obligations that arise from mutual alliances. A “good ally” is defined here not only by the strength of the alliance itself, but also by the willingness of the members to provide during times of crisis. This observation encapsulates the web of reciprocity that is integral to the tribe’s social structure. Such arrangements also highlight the Yanomami people’s pragmatic nature.

“Then some of the first beings cut down trees, and floated on them to escape the flood. Because this was such a strange thing to do, they changed into foreigners and floated away. Their language also changed into the tongue of foreigners, and gradually became unintelligible to the Yanomamö.”

Chagnon introduces a Yanomami narrative explaining the origin of people outside their culture and the diversity of languages. The story emphasizes the strangeness of the people who became the “foreigners” and, as a result, became the enemy of the Yanomami. Overall, it provides a vital insight into their views of the world and their belief in their superiority

“The rule (in our society) ‘thou shalt not kill’ is like the rule (among, say, the Yanomamö) ‘thou shalt marry a woman of category A.’ These roles can be said to exist in the respective societies irrespective of the [homicide] rate in New York or the frequency of aberrant marriages in a Yanomamö village.”

Here, Chagnon uses a Western example to explain that the Yanomami “rules” regarding which women are or are not marriageable are not rigid. The comparison asserts that just as the prohibition against killing is an accepted moral code that is still sometimes broken, the Yanomami have their own culturally specific rules that they sometimes break as well.

“A man is on very intimate terms with his brother-in-law, jokes with him, gives him possessions, and protects him; a man treats an agnate of the same age with great reserve and coolness and tends to be jealous of him.”

Chagnon describes the contrasting dynamics in the relationships between a man and his brother-in-law versus his brother. As he notes throughout the book, affinal relationships are often stronger and more positive. The quote provides an example of how these kinship ties affect real relationships.

“They are quite unaware of the fact that they do kill more female babies, and every time I questioned them about it, they insisted that they killed both kinds—‘more-than-two’ of both kinds.”

The statement underscores the Yanomami’s cultural blind spot regarding the killing of female infants. Despite Chagnon suggesting a higher incidence of female infant mortality, the community members seem oblivious to this fact. The issue also stems from their numerical system, which does not properly go above “two.”

“Marriage in Yanomamö society is the result, therefore, of many considerations. It is not merely the outcome of a blind subscription to a rule that enjoins males to marry women of a specific category, for in many cases the political affairs of the group oblige people to give their daughters to men in other villages.”

This quote emphasizes the complexity of Yanomami marriages. Political considerations within the community often play a crucial role in determining marital alliances. This insight challenges any oversimplified understanding of their marriage practices and underscores the dynamic interplay between individual choices, cultural norms, and broader social and political dynamics.

“By the time a girl is ten years old or so, she has become an economic asset to the mother and spends a great deal of time working. Little boys, by contrast, spend hours playing among themselves and are able to prolong their childhood into their late teens if they so wish.”

This passage shows the divergent experiences of Yanomami boys and girls as they transition from childhood to adolescence. The mention of a girl becoming an “economic asset” by age 10 underscores the practical roles assigned to females within their society. The boys, however, have no such expectations, a fact that reflects the patriarchal structure of Yanomami society.

“Warfare is attended by a bellicose ideology which asserts that strong villages should take advantage of weaker ones and coerce them out of women; to prevent this, all villages should therefore behave as if they were strong. Thus, the military threat creates a situation in which intervillage alliance is desirable, but at the same time spawns a military ideology that inhibits the formation of such alliances: Allies need but cannot trust each other.”

Chagnon discusses the paradoxical relationship between the Yanomami’s need for alliances and their paranoia regarding their neighbors’ intentions. This dynamic shows the reason for the delicate, constantly fluctuating relationships between villages as they balance their need for mutual defense with the perpetuation of a mindset that hinders collaboration. This situation results in a volatile sociopolitical landscape shaped by external and internal factors.

“Trade functions as the social catalyst, the ‘starting mechanism,’ through which mutually suspicious allies are repeatedly brought together in direct confrontation. Without these frequent contacts with neighbors, alliances would be much slower in formation and would be even more unstable once formed: A prerequisite to stable alliance is repetitive visiting and feasting, and the trading mechanism serves to bring about these visits.”

Chagnon draws attention to the practice of repeated visiting and feasting as a prerequisite for a stable alliance, with trade serving as the mechanism that forces these interactions. His observation emphasizes the pragmatic and social dimensions of trade in Yanomami society and illustrates the fact that economic exchanges are crucial in fostering social cohesion and mitigating distrust.

“This incident indelibly underscores the almost complete lack of trust between allies; the members of Kaobawä’s group expected a raid from their friends and allies rather than from their enemies!”

In this quote, Chagnon illuminates a significant aspect of Yanomami social dynamics—a pervasive distrust for everyone. The notion that one’s allies are always potential threats rather than sources of support highlights the fragility of their alliances and the underlying tension in their social structures. Chagnon’s observation speaks to the intricate balance of cooperation and competition within Yanomami society.

“He marched dramatically to the center of the village clearing, while all of Kaobawä’s followers cheered, and struck the visitor’s pose: motionless, head upward, and weapons held vertically next to his face. This gesture signified that he had come in peace and was announcing his benevolent intentions by standing where all could see him. If they bore him malice, they had to shoot him then or not at all.”

This quote, which is taken from Chagnon’s description of the feast, captures the highly ritualized and symbolic nature of alliance interactions among the Yanomami. The symbolism lies in the man’s vulnerability while holding this pose; if anyone wanted to kill him, they could. This cultural practice underscores the Yanomami’s emphasis on actions to convey messages, contributing to the overall dynamics of highly structured conflict avoidance within their society.

“One of his comrades would replace him and demand to hit the victorious opponent. The injured man’s two remaining blows would be canceled, and the man who delivered the victorious blow would have to receive more blows than he delivered. Thus, good fighters are at a disadvantage, since they receive disproportionately more punishment than they deliver. Their only reward is status: they earn the reputation of being fierce.”

This quote discusses how chest-pounding duels function as a form of regulated violence. The practice of changing to a new opponent creates a dynamic in which skilled fighters, despite their success, must endure more physical harm than they initially inflicted. The reward for enduring this process is increased social status, as the reputation of being a fierce and successful fighter holds significant value within the Yanomami society.

“Duels are formal and are regulated by stringent rules about proper ways to deliver and receive blows. Much of Yanomamö fighting is kept innocuous by these rules so that the concerned parties do not have to resort to drastic means to resolve their grievances.”

This quote underscores the role of formal duels as a means to manage and control physical conflicts within Yanomami society. The fact that much of Yanomami fighting is filtered through these rules suggests a conscious effort within the community to channel aggression in a controlled manner.

“The objective of the raid is to kill one or more of the enemy and flee without being discovered. If, however, the victims of the raid discover their assailants and manage to kill one of them, the campaign is not considered to be a success, no matter how many people the raiders may have killed before sustaining their single loss.”

This passage sheds light on the Yanomami perspective regarding the criteria for success within the context of warfare. The emphasis is on the element of surprise and the ability to inflict harm without retaliation. If the attackers can successfully evade identification, the raided village will be less likely to launch a retaliatory strike.

“The Monou-teri burned the corpse of Damowä the next day. They held a mortuary ceremony that week and invited their allies, members of the two Shamatari villages and the two groups of Bisaasi-teri, to participate. Gourds of the dead man’s ashes were given to specific men in several of the allied villages, an act calculated to reaffirm solidarity and friendship.”

This quote provides insight into the cultural practices and rituals regarding corpse preparation and mourning. It also underscores the significance that the Yanomami place on honoring the deceased. The invitation extended to allies to participate highlights the communal nature of these rituals and the process of strengthening social bonds among the different Yanomami groups.

“The two men who shot the fatal arrows into the Patanowä-teri were both brothers of the slain Damowä. They were killers and had to purify themselves by going through the unokaimou ceremony.”

The unokaimou ceremony serves as a purification ritual for killers to cleanse themselves of the spiritual and social consequences associated with taking a life. Of note is that the specifics of the ritual (isolation and the requirement of only touching food with sticks) mirror elements of the response to a Yanomami girl experiencing her first period. In both cases, the isolated individuals are considered unclean for the ritual’s duration.